The Only Thing They Have to Fear is Democracy Itself…

From February 20, 2004:

The original principle of the Democratic Party was increased political participation. The Federalists, and later the Republicans, were aristocratic and afraid of mob rule, while the Democrats trusted the people. Andrew Jackson opened the White House doors to the public for his inaugural party. Windows were broken and damage was done, but it sent a powerful message that the White House was the people’s house, and that government should never become far removed from the people they are sworn to represent. Those who opposed the radical notion that the country is at its best when its citizens participate first tried legal obstacles to limit threats to their power. Groups of people were disenfranchised based on race or gender; poll taxes were implemented and literacy laws were passed. But, one by one, the legal obstacles fell and a greater proportion of American citizens were given a share in the country’s future. Democracy had won. But, today, the opponents of increased democracy have a new tool to discourage activism: marginalization.

There is deep historical precedent for the Establishment’s mocking of populism and mass participation. In 1896, Democratic nominee William Jennings Bryan was deemed small-minded by the eastern papers, and his die-hard supporters were considered a band of uneducated, disgruntled farmers. Today, this elitism has been resurrected by the DLC and the cynicism they advocate has been echoed throughout the media. Now, it is no longer just the Republican Party that distrusts the power of the people.

The DLC will argue that they are cautious of populism not because they desire limited participation, but because populism necessitates an “us” vs. “them” strategy. They will repeat the Republican mantra of “class warfare” and recite the benefits of a rising tide. But their efforts to hide their disdain of activism will be transparent.

In 2002, former DLC Chairman, Joe Lieberman, criticized Al Gore’s 2000 campaign message of the “People vs. the Powerful.” Lieberman felt the statement was too divisive, and he sought to distance himself from it by denouncing it to any reporter who would listen. A week later, Gore responded to his “loyal” running mate’s criticism in an op-ed for the New York Times. In his piece, Gore wrote: “Standing up for ‘the people, not the powerful’ was the right choice in 2000. And, in fact, it is the Democratic Party’s meaning and mission. The suggestion from some in our party that we should no longer speak that truth, especially at a time like this, strikes me as bad politics and, worse, wrong in principle.” But the DLC was unfazed by Gore’s warning, and the media – always eager to denounce populism and Al Gore – embraced the DLC message, while they continued to use Gore as a punchline. Three months later, the Democrats suffered a massive defeat in the mid-term elections, after running DLC-inspired, blur-the-differences campaigns. Republicans won because Democrats stayed home.

But, for a brief moment in 2003, democracy made a comeback with the candidacy of “People-Powered Howard.” His supporters — many of them political novices — kept defying expectations (and in the words of one reporter, gravity) in fundraising, turnout at rallies, and volunteers. The candidate stressed the core values of the Party and encouraged supporters to become active in the process. The success of these efforts was resounding, and the campaign raised $51 million dollars with an average donation of $80 and boasted of more than 600,000 registered Dean supporters online.

This week, the forces of gravity caught up to the Dean campaign, and the candidate essentially ended his quest for the nomination. The cause of Howard Dean’s collapse will be debated for years to come, but the more interesting debate is the reason his candidacy terrified the DLC. His platform was far from radical, and his ideology was generally moderate. Instead, it was Dean’s populist fervor and enthusiastic supporters that concerned the “New Democrats.” Like the Federalists in the early days of the Republic, they feared mob rule. And the weapon they used to silence the campaign was marginilazation. The DLC and the media relentlessly mocked the “Deaniacs” and pegged Dean himself as unstable. They compared his campaign to a cult because they were able to get 3,500 people to travel to Iowa as volunteers. They made fun of the fact that the staff took many ideas from the blog, and essentially gave every supporter a stake in the campaign. They called them amateurs, and jumped on any chance to show Dean as something less than a grown-up. Then he screamed in Iowa, and they replayed it over 700 times in the following week, essentially destroying his candidacy and dealing a final blow to supporters.

Early champions of democracy had to endure long struggles to overcome the legal obstacles set in their way. But they won those struggles because progress is inevitable. Just as they continued their fight despite innumerable setbacks, the movement to defeat cynicism and marginalization will continue long after the 2004 election is decided. Real Democrats will continue to defend the people against the powerful, and the masses against the elite because it is the foundation of the Democratic Party, and the basis of democracy itself.